Sources of Movement

An earlier paper (Chodorow 1984) discussed the origins of movement from different aspects of the psyche. Four sources were suggested and illustrated: movement from the personal unconscious, the cultural unconscious, the primordial unconscious, and the ego-Self axis. Although every complex has elements that are personal, cultural, and primordial, themes that emerge through the body are so immediate that it seems possible and helpful to sense from which level or source it is constellated.

Dance/movement is one of the most direct ways to reach back to our earliest experiences. Movers frequently lie on or move close to the ground. By attending to the world of bodily felt sensations, the mover recreates a situation that is in many ways similar to that of an infant who swims in a sensory-motor world. The presence of the analyst/witness enables re-enactment and re-integration of the earliest preverbal relationship(s). it is here that images of the transference and the countertransference may be most clearly recognized.

This paper will introduce five symbolic events that appear and reappear in the movement process of many individuals. They seem to represent certain stages of developing consciousness through the preverbal, presymbolic developmental period of infancy, i.e., from birth to approximately sixteen months. The symbolic actions and interactions are: 1) patterns of uroboric self-holding; 2) seeking the face of the witness and, when found, a smile of recognition; 3) the laughter of self-recognition; 4) disappearance and reappearance; and 5) full engagement in the symbolic process via free imaginative use of mime.

Two sources have been essential to my recognition and understanding of these events. Louis H. Stewart (1981, 1984, 1985, 1986) has been updating Jung's model of the psyche from the perspective of child development and recent studies of the affects and their expression. Charles T. Stewart, a child psychiatrist, has been developing a theory of play and games as universal processes in ego development (1981). Working individually and in collaboration (C. T. Stewart and L. H. Stewart 1981; L. H. Stewart and C. T. Stewart 1979), they have gathered a wealth of material from Jung, Neumann, Piaget's observations, Tomkins's study of the affects, and anthropological research into play and games. From these and other sources, they have brought together certain phases of ego development described by Neumann, with fully embodied observations of real babies.

Infant and child development is most often studied from the perspective of patriarchal values. For example, Piaget wanted to understand the development of the intellect, so even though his observations demonstrate a development of both imagination and intellect, his theory shows a one-sided emphasis on logos functions. Louis H. Stewart and Charles T. Stewart give us a way to understand the development of the imagination. Together, both perspectives form a whole, an ongoing dialectic between the twin streams of life instinct. One stream is Eros as imagination, divine relatedness; the other is Logos as intellect, divine curiosity (L. H. Stewart 1986, pp. 190-94).

In the following pages, we will discuss each theme as it appears in dance/movement, and explore it from the perspective of infant development. The ego-Self axis is constellated at the threshold of each stage. The experiential core of each passage in the development of consciousness is a startling, even numinous moment of synthesis and re-orientation.

Uroboric: Patterns of Self-Holding

Movers tend to explore a very wide range of uroboric self-holding. We see all kinds of patterns: one hand holding the other; thumb-holding-1 arm(s) wrapping around the torso to hold rib(s), elbow(s), hip(s), knee(s), foot or feet. All of these seem reminiscent of those earliest body experiences when we at first unintentionally find, then lose, and find again -and gradually discover what it is to hold ourselves. in infancy, the first primal recognition of self may well be that powerful and comforting moment when thumb and mouth find each other:

We may see that the infant, while sucking its fingers or its toes, incarnates the image of the mythical Uroborus that, according to Neumann, represents the "wholeness" of that undifferentiated state of self-other consciousness that is characteristic of this developmental state. We can also see in this early behavior the earliest evidence of that aspect of the autonomous process of individuation that Neumann, following Jung, has called centroversion. in this light we may understand the infant's behavior in the discovery of sucking its thumb as representing the first synthesis of the psyche following upon the rude disruption of life within the womb, which had more impressively represented a paradisiacal absorption in the purely unconscious processes of life itself. (L H. Stewart 1986, p. 191)

When the mover is immersed in self-holding, his or her eyes are closed, or have an inward focus. There is usually rocking, swaying, or some other kind of rhythmic pulsation. The quality is usually complete self-containment. if the analyst/witness opens himself or herself to a state of participation mystique, he or she may join the mover in a timeless state, and experience a similar kind of rhythmic self-containment. Shared rhythms of holding, touching, lulling, and lullabies are the psychic nourishment of this earliest phase.

If the analyst/witness does not enter into a state of participation mystique with the mover, he or she may feel excluded, irritated, uneasy. Alternatively, or even concurrently, he or she may feel shy, embarrassed to watch an experience of such intimate union with self. As with any other analytic work, witnessing requires opening to the unconscious, and at the same time maintaining a conscious analytic standpoint to reflect on the meaning of the symbolic action and the associated countertransference response.

At times, the experience has a different, perhaps more conscious quality. There is a sense of wonderment as the mover's hands discover and explore the shape of his or her own body. As the mover's hands shape themselves to the bulges and the hollows, the hard bones and the soft flesh, there is a profound sense of self recognition-as if meeting oneself for the first time. Both mover and witness often feel as if they are participants in an ancient ritual form. After many years of witnessing women and men spontaneously discovering the shape of their own bodies with their hands, I learned of a myth that demonstrates so clearly such a return to our uroboric origins. The myth of Changing Woman,' who presses and molds her own body as she comes of age, is still re-enacted throughout the American Southwest in the form of an initiation ceremony.

First Smile: Recognition of Other (Approx. Second Month)

The movement process frequently evokes a special smile that is reminiscent of the infant's earliest recognition of the "other." When the movement comes to an end, it is almost always followed by continued inner attentiveness-a period of natural self-containment similar to the uroboric quality. Then, as the mover makes the transition to everyday consciousness, it is as if she or he is gradually waking up. When the mover's eyes open, she or he usually begins to 'Search the room for the analyst. When the analyst's face is found, there is a mutual sense of reconnection and, most often, the smile(s) of recognition. The mover may have just experienced painful emotions; his or her face may still be wet with tears. But as he or she gradually comes back to the dayworld and scans the room for the analyst's face, there is a meeting and a clear-eyed smile. Even when the quality of the therapeutic relationship is primarily that of two adults, any fully spontaneous smile has at its core the infant's smile when she or he first consciously recognizes the now familiar face of the mother or other primary nurturing adult.

Louis H. Stewart (1984) reflects on the infant's first smile:

What are the first signs of love in the infant and child? Our Western image of childbirth has been that the mother must suffer and the child come crying into the world. All this has more recently been questioned and there are those who talk about infants entering the world with smiles on their faces and wide awake mothers ready to smile back immediately upon birth. We are far from knowing then what may be the possible potential of the development of love in the child. However, what is observable today is that the mutual smile of recognition between mother and infant does not occur for several Weeks after birth. Before that the child smiles under certain conditions of satiety, half awake, half asleep, but in a dazed, glassy-eyed manner. Then there comes a moment, as early as the end of the first month sometimes, when the infant, awake and clear eyed, smiles in what is unmistakably a pleased recognition of the familiar sounds and face of the mother. Soon, within days or weeks, the infant's first joyful laugh occurs. (p. 1)

First Laugh: Recognition of Self (Approx. 3 Months)

From time to time, usually in the midst of movement, the mover laughs. There are many kinds of laughter. This one expresses joy in the sheer exuberance of bodily motion, and/or a particular image appears and there is the laughter of self-recognition (Stewart and Stewart 1981). Piaget describes such a laugh:

It will be remembered that Laurent, at 0;2(21), adopted the habit of throwing his head back to look at familiar things from this new position. At 0;2(23 or 24) he seemed to repeat this movement with ever-increasing enjoyment and ever-decreasing interest in the external result: he brought his head back to the upright position and then threw it back again time after time, laughing loudly. (Piaget 1962, p. 91)

Charles T. Stewart draws an analogy between the infant's first laugh and a similar moment in the analysis of an adult, reported by D. W. Winnicott. Winnicott's patient was described as a schizoid-depressive man who could carry on a serious conversation, but lacked any kind of spontaneity. He rarely, if ever, laughed. In the midst of one of his analytic hours, the patient imagined himself doing a backward somersault, similar to the movement made by Laurent when he threw his head back and laughed. Winnicott (1954) writes of his patient:

On important but rare occasions he becomes withdrawn; during these moments of withdrawal unexpected things happen which he is sometimes able to report.... The first of these happenings (the fantasy of which he was only just able to capture and to report) was that in a momentary withdrawn state on the couch, he had curled up and rolled over the back of the couch. This was the first direct evidence in the analysis of a spontaneous self. (p. 256)

Joan Blackmer writes of a dream in which two small, agile tumblers, trained acrobats, turn somersaults. Among her amplifications, she describes their trickster quality: "They certainly are transformers.... The somersault, in itself a moving circle, is a mandala, a symbol of the Self, which causes change through human motion . Psychologically, this represents a change in attitude." (1982, p. 8)

The laughter of self-recognition always turns our world around.

Disappearance and Reappearance: Object Constancy (Approx. Ninth Month)

There are so many ways that the mover/analysand hides from the witness/analyst-and reappears. The dance/movement structure itself is a game of disappearance and reappearance (as the mover's eyes close and open again). But within the movement, even with eyes closed, the mover may turn away and do some small, intricate gestures that the witness cannot see. if the witness follows his or her curiosity and moves to where the gestures can be seen, the mover may turn away again, and the cycle can repeat itself Often, if the witness stays put, the mover turns around again to where she or he may be seen. Sometimes peek-a-boo and other hiding games and activities emerge as overt, central, conscious themes in dance/movement enactment.

Separation anxiety develops in the third quarter of the baby's first year. At the same time that the infant begins to struggle with the pain of separating from beloved persons, she or he immerses herself or himself in games of peek-a-boo, and intensely investigates problems of disappearance and re-appearance.

At 0;8 (14): Jacqueline is lying on my bed beside me. I cover my head and cry "coucou"; I emerge and do it again. She bursts into peals of laughter, then pulls the covers away to find me again. Attitude of expectation and lively interest. (Piaget 1952, P. 50)

0;9(05): Jacqueline wails or cries when she sees the person seated next to her get up or move away a little (giving the impression of leaving). (Piaget 1952, p.249)

0;9(20): Jacqueline is lying down and holds her quilt with both hands. She raises it, brings it before her face, looks under it, then ends by raising and lowering it alternately while looking over the top of it: Thus she studies the transformations of the image of the room as a function of the screen formed by the quilt. (Piaget 1954, p. 193)

As the first smile is the beginning of mother-child differentiation, peek-a-boo, and later games of hide-and-go-seek, continue an ongoing process that leads toward the development of object constancy.

Pretend Play: Separation of the World Parents (Approx. 16 Months)

Jung describes this major passage of consciousness as:

... the first morning of the world, the first sunrise after the primal darkness, when that inchoately conscious complex, the ego, the son of the darkness, knowingly sundered subject and object, and thus precipitated the world and itself into definite existence.... Genesis 1:1 -7 is a projection of this process. (1963, par. 129)

A number of passages in the infant's first year create the base upon which a clear separation of dayworld and dreamworld can occur. Neumann (1954, 1973) refers to this differentiation of conscious and unconscious as "separation of the world parents." in the infant's life, this passage comes not through the word but rather through the discovery of nonverbal, symbolic play-that is, the baby discovers that she or he can pretend. It is this first, independent discovery of symbolic action that coincides with the beginning of real curiosity about language.

Around sixteen to eighteen months of age, the child becomes aware of the semiotic function through the experience of pretense, for example in the miming of an already adaptive behavior pattern like the ritual behavior adopted to ease the transition into sleep (e.g., thumb-sucking and fingering the satiny edge of a blanket). The child laughs with joy at this new recognition of Self; and this is pretend play (Piaget, 1962). But let us reflect for a moment on the sleep ritual. This is not a neutral pattern of behavior. It represents one of the landmarks in the child's development. If the transition to sleep and waking is not easily accomplished, the child may be forever prone to sleep disturbances, to excessive fear of the dark, needing a night light, etc. And why is going to sleep difficult? Because it brings together the child's most feared and distressing fantasies, that of being deprived of the presence and comfort of those most dear, and of being left alone in the dark which is peopled by who knows what ghostly phantoms. Thus we consider it no accident that the child discovers pretense in the recognition of the sleep ritual; pretend play begins with the miming of a behavior pattern which has assisted the child in warding off fear of the unknown and soothing the anguish of separation. Subsequent pretend play will be seen to reenact all the emotionally charged experiences of the child's life. (Stewart and Stewart 1979, p. 47)

Similar to the infant's first discovery of pretend play, the dance/ movement process in analysis often begins with the miming of a familiar behavior pattern that has served to ward off emotional pain. Also similar to children's play, imaginative mime can lead the mover toward and eventually through the emotional trauma that lies at the heart of a complex.

The following descriptions are of three women, each in the early stages of analytic work.

A woman begins to move by expressing a happy-go-lucky attitude, 11 moving on." Then she pauses and her chest seems to collapse. With a feeling of increasing heaviness, she lowers herself to her knees and becomes overwhelmed by a deeply familiar sense of despair.

A professional dancer puts on a show that would dazzle Broadway. She then sinks to the ground, becomes very quiet and begins to move slowly. The slow movement is halting and looks increasingly painful. Her body convulses and she seems to be in a trance.

A busy, active executive enacts her over scheduled life. For a moment, she pauses, looks down to the ground and realizes how tired she is. She struggles briefly with her yearning to lie down, and overcomes it by returning to the portrayal of her active life.

Each woman in her own way struggles with the tension between an overly bright, adaptive persona and its shadow. As in any analytic process, a pair of opposites will be constellated. Out of the experience of that twofold tension, a third reconciling symbol will eventually be born: a new inner attitude that contains yet also goes beyond both perspectives.

Carolyn Grant Fay describes the emergence of such a moving symbol. The mover is a woman who has had many years of analytic work. She does not begin with avoidance of pain, nor does she seek it. She begins by listening deeply:

I lay for what seemed like a long time, listening inwardly to myself. My throat brought itself to my attention. It hurt and felt constricted and tense, so I let my throat lead me into movement. It led me up to kneeling, then forward, and then slowly across the floor in a sort of crouching position. In my imagination I became aware as I concentrated on the throat that it was red with blood. The heart area was also aching and bloody. Finally my throat brought me up to standing and propelled me farther along. It stopped me suddenly, and I just stood there. At this point, I collapsed onto the floor and lay there motionless. There was no movement ... not an image ... nothing.

After a while I became aware that the color red from the blood was there at my throat and breast. Little by little it became many shades of red from light pink to deep crimson. A rose began to take shape, rising out of the throat and heart through movements of my arms up, out, and around. The rest of my body down from that area seemed, in the fantasy, to be forming the stem and leaves of the flower. All sorts of superlatives come to me now as I try to express how I felt at that moment: warm, happy, fulfilled, in order, at one with myself (Fay 1977, pp. 26-27)

Closure

More important than whether we use dance as a form of active imagination, is the question of how we can fully engage the imagination. Jung suggests giving free rein to fantasy, according to the individual's taste and talent. Some people have what he called "motor imagination" (1938, p. 474). it is the nature of such an individual to experience life in terms of spontaneous movement activity and to imagine with and about the body. Thus a dialogue is initiated between interest and imagination as twin streams of libido: interest in the body the way it &, and fantasies of what the body might be about (Stewart 1986, pp. 190-94).

As the process of individuation leads us to become who we are, certain analysts and analysands are inevitably led to use dance/movement as part of their analytic work. For those with a motor imagination, dance/movement is simply the most immediate, natural way to give form to the unconscious. Some find dance/movement essential because they feel alienated from the body, or because they only know how to direct the body and now sense deeply that they must learn to listen to it. Some turn to dance/movement because it is a direct way to work with certain complexes that were constellated in infancy. It seems that complexes of a preverbal, presymbolic nature are less often touched by the verbal aspects of analysis.

Eliade (1963) wrote: "Life cannot be repaired, it can only be recreated' (p. 30). In analysis, active imagination is that re-creative process; dance movement is one of its forms.

Notes

1. Personality Number One was grounded in the concrete reality of everyday life, the facts of the world the way it is, Personality Number Two lived in eternal time, the world of the ancestors and spirits, a mythic realm. Jung wrote: "The play and counter play between personalities No. 1 and No. 2, which has run through my whole life, has nothing to do with a I split' or dissociation in the ordinary medical sense. On the contrary, it is played out in every individual" (1961, p. 45)

2. The initiation cerement is called the Kinaalda by the Navaho. The Apache call it the Sunrise Dance (Quintero 1986). It is an elaborate ritual-a time of rejoicing to mark a girl's onset of menstruation. Her passage to womanhood is announced to the whole community in a dramatic four-night ceremony.

Changing Woman had a miraculous birth and grew to maturity in four days. At this time, she had her first menstrual period. The Holy People were living on the earth then, and they came to her ceremony and sang songs for her. She originated her own Kinaalda. One of the most important parts of the ceremony was molding her body. Some say that at the first Kinaalda, Changing Woman molded her own body. The pressing or molding was done to honor the Sun and the Moon. Changing Woman was molded into a perfect form.

When the first-born human girl became Kinaalda, Changing Woman did the same things for her. She pressed and molded the younger woman's body, thus gifting her with beauty, wisdom, honor, and self-respect. The Kinaaldd is part of the Blessing Way Ceremony. It is done today as it was done in the beginning (Frisbie 1967; Henderson 1985 b; Sandner 1979, pp. 122-32; Quintero 1980).

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